Coal Industry in India Essay

The ember industry in India witnessed its inception in 1774. However, it took almost a century for this industry to rise above its infancy and proclaim its actual arrival around the second half of the nineteenth century. What followed was the story of remarkable growth albeit with its sh be of ups and downs down the line. The flipside of this account of favoredness has non, heretofore, escaped the scrutiny of historians. The oppressive attitudes of the sear-producing lobby and the taprs miserable conditions wee metre and again found their part in prevalent turn over historiography. thought-provoking themes, for instance, production paritys, migration of labour, manipulation around the recruitment of labour, workers resistance failments and debates around women and electric razor labour have further enriched the discourse. This project aims to add a newborn dimension to this ongoing debate. The prime objective of this interpret is to unearth the score of hygienics is sues at works in the coalfields of Raniganj and Jharia districts in eastern India and of hygiene in their adjacent regions in eastern India, 1901 and 1973.The expansion of the industry was not without its perverse effects on human as easy as internal resources. This project thus, has as its focus the wellness of the tapr as well as the health of the mineral, i.e. coal, with its attendant thrusts on industrial hygiene and mine technology. Going beyond the colonial time-frame, this paper a akin attempts an investigating into miners works and living standards in the first quarter of extendindependent India. Moreover, a parallel impart be drawn amid miners living conditions at collieries of eastern India and those of natal in South Africa.It lead be interesting to look into twain diverse pictures in these different colonial settlements. As far as labour legislation and orders of mine are concern, a comparative say with Britain is on the cards. The first research to p dog that this study aims to address is the health of the miners. Engaged in hazardous underground mining activities, the miners were exposed to sound and fatal accidents. The tip of roofs and the sides was the most common form of accidents. Next in importance were accidents in haulage routes and shafts as well as explosions. The relevant challenge is what played the pivotal part in those cases of accidents was it the miners lack of mining knowledge, was it the subordinate semiofficials paucity of proper supervision or was it the lack of becoming attention of the mine-owners and mine-managers to the workers safety device concerns? In his report of 1912, the Chief Inspector of Mines coined categories of accidents for causa those ascribable to misad venture, due to the fault of the deceased, due to the fault of the fellow workmen and due to the fault of the subordinate officials (sirdars).The newly-formed categories singled out managerial fault as a distinct category which consisted of accidents fewer in lean in relation to others. The intention was clear. It was to hold the miner primarily responsible for his misfor short letters. barely the nether region owners and managers hardly provided them with the proper training in the mining principles. It was only in 1909 that a book on mining practices was proposed to be brought out in Bengali. This is not to forget that a large chunk of miners used to immigrate from regions outside Bengal like the Central Provinces. The principal reason for ascribing responsibility to the miners was to not have to pay compensation in case of permanent hinderance or death. The case was just the reverse in Britain.The scope of the Workmens Compensation perform of 1923 was broadened for the Indian coal miners only after independence. True, whatever of these accidents pointed to the responsibility of the miners like in cases of tower-robbing or drinking period functional, scarcely eve when managerial fault was ind icated, the penalty was minimal. The management even failed on a number of occasions to report cases of serious and fatal accidents without delay. Besides, some(prenominal) attempt at protective labour legislation in the coal industry was hampered by fierce opposition from the coalproducing lobby consisting of twain Europeans and Indians. Issues link up to the regulation of involvement of women and children underground, maternity leave, restriction on hours of work etc. found stern protesters in the colliery-owners.The government was hardly in a position to frustrate the claims of their close collaborators. This story of the colonial government-capitalist grade tie go out help us go beyond the traditional patriot versus imperialist historiographical framework and high dispirit the complexities of the issues relate in the question of governmental legislation to ensure higher safety conditions in mines. Increasing number of accidents in Indian collieries was lots ascribed t o the prevalent methods of mining which were often termed as faulty. This brings us to the near crucial question i.e. the health of the mineral. The ordinary mining method that was followed in Indian coal mines was the bord and pillar system. char was cut into pillars but the co-existence of small pillars and large galleries augmented the risk of collapse as well as that of issue of signifi trampt amount of coal. We can draw a parallel with the standard method of mining in Britain which was called the panel system. It was a system where isolation of works was possible. Every event was hermetically sealed that left solid ribs of coal of varying ponderousness between panels which used to be cut into pillars and immediately extracted. This method was often recommended for the Indian situation.The relevant question in this context is the supposed shortcomings of the bord and pillar system. Was the panel system practicable in Indian conditions? Further more(prenominal), Miners wer e often incriminate of improper delegacys in which they take placeled the cutting and extracting of coal. Here again the question of their lack of access to any kind of training be brings vital. Moreover, the never-ending contain for higher productivity often forced the workers to work in the chuck out part of mines, a practice that had its inevitable effects on both the health of the miners and that of the mineral. What was more surprising was most of the coal mines in Raniganj and Jharia were sink without any proper plans of the mines. Frequently, both seams were worked simultaneously with the working of the one universe above the working of the other.This caused the workings to be unstable leave behinding in loss of a huge quantity of coal. The practice of lease was such that the ancestry line between two neighbouring collieries often loosenessed out to be indistinct. It was noticed that instead of leaving restrictions untouched as intended, the work was act up to or even over the boundary. A thin barrier was dangerous for it was liable to suddenly give way under pee pressure. The question of exhaustion of coal and the need for its conservation leads us to the next important research business i.e. the evolution of mine technology. Sand-stowing is one such safeguard that ensures safety in workplace as well as conservation of coal.The institution of the ember Mines Stowing Board and the subsequent combust Mines Safety (Stowing) Act of 1939 was, however, intended to guarantee only protection against accidents at mines. It was only after independence that adequate attention was paid to conservation of coal with the Coal Mines (Conservation and Safety) Act of 1952. The Coal Mines Stowing Board was replaced by the Coal Board in 1951 in an attempt to function more effectively during the period under review. On the other hand, the persistent problem with the safety management at Indian collieries was that none of the appliances, tools and materials required for combating fire, gas, or water in collieries was kept at any of the mines in the Raniganj and Jharia coal fields. A number of large collieries adopted safety lamps in place of naked lights to avoid the danger of explosion but they were not regularly examined before being taken into the workings. Mine owners or managers often failed to post notices specifying limits of timber withdrawal for each seam or district of a seam or the maximum intervening distances between props or other roof supports at the working places.Even for winding purpose, improvised appliances like haulage ropes were used in place of winding ropes on a number of occasions, thus inviting unfortunate consequences. The mine authority, nonetheless, had the miners to blame for their technical deficiencies. Even the Chief Inspector of Mines had some interesting and often antonymous remarks to make regarding the use of machinery by Indian miners. On the one hand he thought that the cheapness of Indian lab our prevented use of machines while on the other he found comfort in the formulation that, Handling a miners tool was more of a matter of skill than was generally supposed.and the Indian coal miner was clumsy with his weapons but when doing work to which he and his forefathers had been accustomed e.g. loading or carrying material he was capable of showing good results. But the fact that the Indian miner could be induced to abandon the tools of his forefathers was seen is most Indian collieries where side of meat shovels were commonly used, and where the pointed crow bar was replaced by double pointed picks.Hence the question of availability of mine and safety technology, and more importantly, that of the proper application of technologies in possession turns out to be the critical imperatives. Even attempts at entranceway of new technology often drew severe flak from mixed quarters. Coal commissioners were suggesting the extension of the boiler act to colliery districts. The steam boilers which were in use in collieries required the fitting of a second safety valve to all boilers, second one preferably to be of the lock-up type. The Indian minelaying Association took up the matter and protested strongly against any such intervention.They were of the judgment that the danger of accident had been sufficiently minimized without the precaution. Furthermore, mere knowledgeableness of certain(prenominal) apparatus was not enough e.g. Jeffrey Companys electric coal-cutter was introduced at some collieries. But it was not successful on account of hindrance of repair and removal of the machine. Moreover, mechanical coal cutters were more suited to Longwall method as in Britain than to the bord and pillar system that was adopted in Bengal. However, launch of machinery like Welsh ovens for coking purposes in the Giridih coal field was hugely successful although the usual practice elsewhere was predominantly open ovens. Thus the issues involved in the adoption of mining technology is required to be analyze in close association with the safety of the miner and the conservation of the mineral in order to get an overall picture of the question of industrial hygiene in the Raniganj and Jharia coal-fields. A study of occupational hazards is incomplete without an investigation into occupational diseases (for instance Pneumoconiosis, ankylostomiasis, lungs diseases etc.) and diseases that affected the workers habitation.Our understanding of the question would be furthered by exploring the disease management policy of the mining authorities. Workers huts or dhowrah were not ab initio part of the colliery districts but later on became integral fragment of the districts. As far as workers housing arrangements were concerned, the official version of the roaring brick hut was constantly clashing with the workers version of the squalid mud hut. The miners recognition of hygiene and sanitation formed the principal subject matter of the official critiq ue. True, the miners fell short on the counts of their health and hygiene standards, but the momentous problem lies with the alternative settlement that the nexus of colonial government and mine authorities provided. The one room tenement with common latrine facilities did not turn out to be a more hygienic alternative to the previous mud hut. Here, we can draw a parallel between the collieries of Bengal and those of original in South Africa.A large number of Indian miners started migrating to natural around the first decade of the 20th century because of better working and living conditions there. The question of health and hygiene standards of the adjacent colliery districts is expense exploring, too. Outbreak of diseases in the neighbourhood had its decisive effect on the workplace hygiene. A mere rumour of outbreak of Cholera in the vicinity used to result in widespread desertion of collieries and its surroundings by the miners, thus having disastrous effects on the produc tion exercise. Hence, a diminutive study on the connections between colliery hygiene of the areas under study and that of the wider region becomes essential.This connection was all the more evident in the post-independence period. The civic hospital of Dhanbad had a number of seats reserved for the colliers of Jharia mines. The mines used withal to gain a great deal from the water supply plot in the neighbourhood or for the purpose of supply of electricity. Systems of water supply, gutter systems, sanitary measures, and disease policies in the adjacent areas undoubtedly had their impact on workplaces and the other way round. Furthermore, coal mining and its impact on the wider purlieu induced the government to formulate humans health measures in tune with the necessities of the coal mining industry as well as with the requirements of the beside regions. These two linked and often conflicting aspects will be explored through the story of dilemmas, preferences, strategies and decision-making at the government level. Particular attention to the functioning and implementation of various safety measures at collieries in post-colonial India forms the conclusive part of this project.Was the working and living conditions of the coal mine workers improved in any way in the immediate post-independence period? What was the status of labour legislation in relation to workers health and safety concerns? Apparently the colliers were better placed with the growth effectiveness of the Workmens Compensation Act. Women miners gained significantly from regular functioning of the Mines maternity Benefit Act of 1941. Jharia and Raniganj Mines Boards of Health looked in better shape in postindependence years. Particular attention moldiness be paid to the activities of the Coal Mines bear on Welfare Fund. Establishment and proper functioning of central and regional hospitals of Jharia and Raniganj were correct under the auspices of this fund. Dispensary services like t he one at Bhuli in Jharia improved a lot as well. We can also come across instances like spraying operations to prevent Malaria or B.C.G. vaccination to combat Tuberculosis or the setting up of the mobile science laboratory teams in the Jharia and Raniganj coalfields which point to improvement in the condition of health and hygiene in colliery districts.Working of the Coal Mines Pithead Bath Rules, 1946 and of the Mines Creche Rules, 1946 must be mentioned. Especially, provision of crches demands particular attention in relation to women labour. They had a place for their children to be taken care of while they were grouchy working. Despite such favourable proceedings, miners wretchedness was far from being reduced. A remarkable increase in opencast mining with its associated dangers furthered the misery of the miners. Added to this were disappointing mining conditions e.g. slaughter mining, violation of mine safety laws etc. The result was nationalization of Coking coal mines i n 1972 and that of non-coking coal mines in 1973. Health and hygiene related themes in Indian coal mines during the colonial and postcolonial period have not found a substantial space in animated scholarship.The only work that stands out is an article by Colin Simmons (1976) where he devotes himself to the study of coal mines accidents, workplace safety and labour legislation. His other works are also of seminal importance particularly for the understanding of the nature of the labour force and ownership of colliery land. As to issues relating to practices of landleases and tenancy rights, the work of Dietmar Rothermund (year) is ambitious indeed. Rakhi Raychowdhury (1996), in her work on the women labour of eastern Indian coal mines, has a chapter devoted to matters concerning work schedule, rest and leave and accidents. bit Dilip Simeons principal focus was production relations (1997) and labour movement (1999) in Jharia coalfields, he gave some attention to the safety concern s of Indian collieries. (1999). He even addressed the post-colonial situation. But a detailed study on industrial hygiene in relation to coalfields awaits scholarly attention.In the attend of suggestion the growth of coal industry in India, A.B. Ghosh(1977) referred to lists of accidents in coal mines and also to some examples of technological evolution but he made no attempt to derive a connection between accidents, safety issues and introduction of technology which this project intends to address. Deepika Basus (1993) occasional mention of health issues in coal and other mines is meant to broaden the understanding of the growth of the working class in India. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutts (2001) concern over water problems, sewerage systems etc. gives us a fair idea about the gradual process of urbanization in the Raniganj coalfields. She has also established a relation between growing mechanization of coal industry and decreasing importance of women labour. But the connection between mec hanization and safety issues remains to be explored. It is a principal aim of this proposed project to analyze the same issues in the light of the themes of health and hygiene.In her case study on Kolar gold mines, Janaki Nair (1998) writes extensively on accident related issues in the work place and the process of sanitation outside the workplace, mainly in the workers residence. Nair, however, views these themes within the Foucauldian paradigm of inspection and resistance. Anti-plague measures or sanitizing efforts of the mining authorities was, according to Nair, an intrusion into the snobbish life of the mine workers. She saw in the sanitary zeal of the persons concerned an extension of the exalt like discipline (even though mines cannot be considered barrack like structures) of the workplace to the territory beyond. This project will attempt to move beyond such stereotypical formulations and instead attempt in-depth analyses of the questions raised that will be based on soli d empirical research conscious by an awareness of the theoretical issues involved. The work has been conceptualized in a personal manner that it will pull together issues that have been dealt with in discrete, scattered contexts.As far as historical works on Indian domain health system are concerned, we are familiar with a significant body of writings about public health systems of major cities like that of Calcutta (Kabita Ray, 1998), and of Bombay (Mridula Ramanna, 2002). A discussion on public health systems of industrially-rich regions is supposed to be first of its kind. Mark Harrison (1994) pioneered a comprehensive account of the system of public health in India starting from disease management in war machine garrisons to vaccination policies, preventive measures against plague in wider regions. The mining sector however has not featured in his work. Industrial hygiene and in this case, health and hygiene issues in collieries and in their adjoining regions is an unexplore d arena. The proposed research aims to integrate specifically two kinds of historiography within the span of its methodology. One is the historical literature on mines and the other is the historical accounts of science, medication, technology, and of public health systems in India.While works on mines have overlooked aspects of hygiene and technology, the history of science, medicine and technology has yet to incorporate the industrial sector or industrial hygiene within its orbit. This endeavour, therefore, proposes to fill in the void in the existing historical literature by combining elements of both these fields of research. On another level, this discussion on industrial health and hygiene will seek to include within the scope of its analysis the role of extra-economic factors in the understanding of the working classes in India.Last but not least, a comparison with the coal mines of Britain and South Africa follows from the logic of the analysis of the factors affecting the Indian collieries which I have discussed before. In its attempt at juxtaposing global phenomena, this venture treads the path shown by Peter Alexander (2004). This research thus seeks to doctor the post-colonial situation of eastern Indian coalfields within the global context. Such a work is also of relevance to current global concerns that seek to spotlight the question of safeguarding the environment in the context of the global-capitalist hunt to maximize wampum from commercial ventures.Primary Sources The Coal Mines excavate Welfare Fund Act, 1947/ Act No. 32 of 1947.Delhi. The Coal Mines Safety (Stowing) Rules. Delhi, 1939. East India Railway the Coalfields of Bengal and Chota Nagpur Served by the East India Railway. Calcutta, 1926. First reputation of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising from coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, segment of Industries and Labour. Calcutta 1924. (Simpson Committee). Indian Mines Act. By W.H.Pickerink and W.Grah am, 1907. Papers Regarding principle for the statute and Sanitation of Mines in India. Govt. of India Department of Revenue and Agriculture. Calcutta Office of the overseer of Govt. Printing, 1896. survey of the Chief Inspector of Mines in India under the India Mines Act, VIII of 1901. Calcutta Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, (1901 onwards). musical composition o the Coalfield Committee. Calcutta Govt. Printing, 1920. Report of the Coal Mining Committee. Delhi Manager of Publications, 1937. Report of the Indian Coal Committee, 1925. Reports on the Production and Consumption of Coal in India. Report on the Inspection of Mines in India. Calcutta Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, (1894-1900).Rules border by the Govt. of Bengal under Section 30 of the Indian Mines Act, 1923 (IV of 1923) applicable to Coal Mines and Mines other than Coal Mines, Corrected up to 30th June, 1940. Second Report of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising f rom coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, Department of Industries and Labour. Calcutta 1929. (Simpson Committee). fussy Rules for Coal Mines under Section 21 of the Indian Mines Act, 1901 (VIII of 1901), 1918. Third and terminal Report of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising from coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, Department of Industries and Labour. Calcutta 1932. daybooks and Bulletins Bulletins of Indian Industries and Labour Indian Factory Legislation A historic Survey. By A.G.Clow. 1926. Reduction of Hours of Work in Mines, 1932.Bulletins of the Department of Industries, Bengal Catalogue of the Indian Manufacturers (compiled in the office of the DirectorGeneral of Commercial Intelligence), 1911. 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New Delhi, 1998.Ramanna, Mridula, Western Medicine and Public Health in Colonial Bombay, 18451895. Hyderabad, 2002. Ray, Kabita, History of Public Health Colonial Bengal, 1921-1947.Kolkata, 1998. Raychowdhury, Rakhi, Gender and Labour in India the Kamins of Eastern Coa lmines, 1900-1940. Kolkata, 1996. Rothermund, Dietmar, Tenancy Legislation for Chota Nagpur the Emphasis on executive director Protection in Zamindars, Mines and Peasants Studies in the History of anIndian Coalfield and Its Rural Hinterland, change by Dietmar Rothermund and D.C. Wadhwa. New Delhi, 1978.Simeon, Dilip, The Politics of Labour Under Late Colonialism. Workers, Unions and the State in Chota Nagpur, 1928-1939. New Delhi, 1995. ibid. Coal and Colonialism Productions Relations in an Indian coalfield, c. 18951947 in Peripheral Labour? Studies in the History of Partial Proletarianization, edited by Shahid Amin and Marcel van der Linden. Cambridge, 1997. ibid. 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